Radical pro-Beijing camp

Radical pro-Beijing camp

激進建制派
Radical pro-Beijing camp 激進建制派
	Flags of the People's Republic of China and the Chinese Communist Party
Ideology	Chinese nationalism; Chinese neoconservatism; Ultraconservatism (HK); Factions:; Chinese socialism; Anti-Western sentiment; Right-wing populism
Political position	Right-wing to far-right ; Factions:; Left-wing
Legislative Council	6 / 90 (7%)
District Councils	1 / 470 (0.2%)
	Politics of Hong Kong; Political parties; Elections;

Radical pro-Beijing camp (Chinese: 激進建制派; lit. 'radical pro-establishment camp'), radical pro-Beijing,^[2]^{[failed verification]}^[3]^{[failed verification]} pro-Beijing radicals,^[4] or pro-Beijing traditionalists^[1]^{[failed verification]} is a Hong Kong political term, which means mainly a hardliner on pro-Beijing camp. They came after Leung Chun-ying took office as the 3rd Chief Executive of Hong Kong in 2012.

Political position[edit]

They generally express strong support for the Chinese Communist Party and the Hong Kong government, with some members supporting "one country, one system".

Although the radical pro-Beijing camp is loyal to the Chinese Communist Party, the main radical pro-Beijing camp is conservative, pro-business and anti-labor rights; in May 2020, when the Fulham Group [zh] was criticized for forcing workers to work without pay, members of the pro-democracy camp protested against the Fulham Group, but some radical pro-Beijing camp figures defended the Fulham Group.^[5]^{[failed verification]}^[6]^{[failed verification]}

Some radical pro-Beijing camp use violence against the pro-democracy camp.^[7]^{[failed verification]}^[8]^{[failed verification]} Organizations related to the radical pro-Beijing camp are distinguished from mainstream pro-Beijing camp, including Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong and business figures.^[9]

Politicians[edit]

References[edit]

^ ^a ^b Edward Vickers (2004). In Search of an Identity: The Politics of History Teaching in Hong Kong, 1960s-2000. Routledge. p. 2.
^ ^a ^b "Why Facebook is losing friends in Hong Kong". Rest of World. 2021-02-28. Junius Ho, a radical pro-Beijing lawmaker who once called for pro-independence activists to be "killed without mercy," has more than 1.1 million followers on Weibo, China's version of Twitter.
^ Stan Hok-Wui Wong (2015). Electoral Politics in Post-1997 Hong Kong: Protest, Patronage, and the Media. Springer. p. 162. ISBN 9789812873873. Their controversial tactics may help them draw media attention as well as political support from radical pro-Beijing voters, but their presence may also cause a backlash against the pro-establishment camp as a whole in the coming elections - exactly the same problem that has plagued the pan-democrats.
^ "Pro-Beijing radicals in weapons protest". South China Morning Post. 2014-06-09.
^ "工友抗議剝削富臨報警拘兩人". Archived from the original on 2020-07-08. Retrieved 2020-05-10.
^ "工會質疑富臨申請保就業資助但要求員工放無薪假". 10 May 2020. Archived from the original on 2020-05-26. Retrieved 2020-05-10.
^ "「光復東涌」行動展開撐內地旅客團體向記者起飛腳". 經濟日報. 2018-11-11. Archived from the original on 2018-11-18.
^ "稱被愛港力出賣有氣難消打記者梁粉判刑「我似用完即棄紙杯」". Apple Daily. 2013-01-09. Archived from the original on 2015-03-21.
^ "立會選舉：激進建制派無市場得票低賠按金". Oriental Daily News. 2016-09-05. Archived from the original on 2016-09-20.
^ "【佔中判刑】陳淑莊腦瘤壓腦幹何俊賢：一到找數個個身患絕症". 香港01. 2019-04-24. Archived from the original on 2020-08-26.
^ "工聯會理事長暗喻首富李嘉誠為「曱甴王」李氏商圈成下一打擊目標？". RFI - 法國國際廣播電台. 2019-09-16. Archived from the original on 2020-04-17.
^ "葛珮帆支持禁制令制止網上煽暴言論有助於警方執法". 頭條日報 Headline Daily. 2020-01-09. Archived from the original on 2020-04-29.
^ "王國興、周融等組關注組質疑放港獨分子入閘香港等同緊急狀態區選難言公正". 立場新聞 Stand News. 2019-10-25. Archived from the original on 2019-10-25.

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[Edward_Vickers-1] Edward Vickers (2004). In Search of an Identity: The Politics of History Teaching in Hong Kong, 1960s-2000. Routledge. p. 2.

[Rest_of_World-2] "Why Facebook is losing friends in Hong Kong". Rest of World. 2021-02-28. Junius Ho, a radical pro-Beijing lawmaker who once called for pro-independence activists to be "killed without mercy," has more than 1.1 million followers on Weibo, China's version of Twitter.

[3] Stan Hok-Wui Wong (2015). Electoral Politics in Post-1997 Hong Kong: Protest, Patronage, and the Media. Springer. p. 162. ISBN 9789812873873. Their controversial tactics may help them draw media attention as well as political support from radical pro-Beijing voters, but their presence may also cause a backlash against the pro-establishment camp as a whole in the coming elections - exactly the same problem that has plagued the pan-democrats.

[4] "Pro-Beijing radicals in weapons protest". South China Morning Post. 2014-06-09.

[5] "工友抗議剝削富臨報警拘兩人". Archived from the original on 2020-07-08. Retrieved 2020-05-10.

[Now-20200510-6] "工會質疑富臨申請保就業資助但要求員工放無薪假". 10 May 2020. Archived from the original on 2020-05-26. Retrieved 2020-05-10.

[7] "「光復東涌」行動展開撐內地旅客團體向記者起飛腳". 經濟日報. 2018-11-11. Archived from the original on 2018-11-18.

[8] "稱被愛港力出賣有氣難消打記者梁粉判刑「我似用完即棄紙杯」". Apple Daily. 2013-01-09. Archived from the original on 2015-03-21.

[9] "立會選舉：激進建制派無市場得票低賠按金". Oriental Daily News. 2016-09-05. Archived from the original on 2016-09-20.

[10] "【佔中判刑】陳淑莊腦瘤壓腦幹何俊賢：一到找數個個身患絕症". 香港01. 2019-04-24. Archived from the original on 2020-08-26.

[11] "工聯會理事長暗喻首富李嘉誠為「曱甴王」李氏商圈成下一打擊目標？". RFI - 法國國際廣播電台. 2019-09-16. Archived from the original on 2020-04-17.

[12] "葛珮帆支持禁制令制止網上煽暴言論有助於警方執法". 頭條日報 Headline Daily. 2020-01-09. Archived from the original on 2020-04-29.

[13] "王國興、周融等組關注組質疑放港獨分子入閘香港等同緊急狀態區選難言公正". 立場新聞 Stand News. 2019-10-25. Archived from the original on 2019-10-25.

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Political position[edit]

Politicians[edit]

See also[edit]

References[edit]